When politicians of some renown leave public office, they often turn to special-interest lobbying and corporate advisory work. David Miliband took a different path.
A rising star in British politics, Mr. Miliband was just 29 when he became an adviser to Prime Minister Tony Blair. He then joined Parliament and held various cabinet positions under Mr. Blair and Prime Minister Gordon Brown. But in 2010, his party lost the general election, and Mr. Miliband fell short in the race to lead the Labour Party, narrowly losing to his brother, Ed.
In 2013, Mr. Miliband, now 53, accepted a job as president and chief executive of the International Rescue Committee, a nonprofit humanitarian group based in New York. The I.R.C. works in crisis zones around the world, delivering food, medical aid and education to people upended by conflict and disaster. Mr. Miliband is using the I.R.C.’s platform to call attention to the underlying causes of the crises his organization seeks to address, while also staying close to the field; next month, he will travel to Africa for an update on the group’s work fighting Ebola.
This interview, which was condensed and edited for clarity, was conducted at the I.R.C.’s office in New York.
I read that your father was a Marxist sociologist. Did that inform your views growing up?
My memory of my father is not that of a Marxist sociologist. It is of the dad who drove five kids in the back of a blue car to Saturday morning soccer in Leeds. Undoubtedly, I grew up in a political household. Both my parents were survivors of World War II, survivors of the Holocaust in a way, and I guess there were two things that are important that relate to your question in that respect. One is that politics are important, values are important. And second, you have to think for yourself.
What did your mum do?
She was a history teacher originally, who then became a stay-at-home mum. I think she would describe herself as a feminist; she was quite political as well.
So you were raised by a Marxist and a feminist. That’s quite a combination.
And probably a feminist who taught a Marxist that you couldn’t be a Marxist if you weren’t willing to be a feminist.
And your parents came to the U.K. as refugees?
My dad and his dad fled when the Germans invaded Belgium in 1940. My dad learned English and qualified for London School of Economics. My mom came to the U.K. at the age of 12 on her own in 1946, from Poland. Her father was killed in a concentration camp. There was a rabbi who brought children without parents to the U.K., and her mother sent her to start a new life as a child refugee.
What did you study in school?
I got interested in politics. I began to understand how British politics had come out the way it had. I was on the left, and we kept on losing. Why was that? And I sort of came to the conclusion that, if you can make a difference, you should. And if you don’t, it’s a waste.
You had several different roles in politics. What policy decision that you were involved in do you feel was most consequential?
I was involved in writing the manifesto for the ’97 general election. That was probably the most significant document I’ve ever been involved in writing. We had to ditch a load of bad policy and invent a load of good policy, which could both persuade voters and change the country. I think that governments actually have more impact over the medium term than they realize. We changed the country in quite fundamental ways. Socially, economically and in matters of peace and war in Northern Ireland. I honor people who are in politics, on whatever side. In my experience, the vast majority of M.P.s are not charlatans.
You also served as environmental secretary, where you focused on climate change.
In 2006 — I mean, those were the halcyon days before the financial crisis — we launched the Climate Change Bill, which became the Climate Change Act. And to American ears it may sound extraordinary, but we set out to bind every future administration between 2006 and 2050 with a long-term commitment to reduce carbon emissions; originally by 60 percent, then by 80 percent. It was a robust piece of legislation. Obviously, if your economy is doing badly — and the U.K. is doing badly at the moment — it’s easier to meet your carbon targets. But I think that this is the overwhelming generational challenge.
What precipitated your exit from politics?
I lost two elections in 2010. One was a general election, which my party lost. One was a leadership election, which I lost to my brother. I was still a member of Parliament, but I was presented with a choice of silence or division. I could either remain silent and sort of violate the basic purpose of a politician, which is to persuade people. Or, if I spoke out, I’d just be divisive and play into a soap opera.
And why did you join the I.R.C.?
I remember saying to the hiring committee that I wanted the job here for three reasons, not just because I was sort of being pushed out of the U.K. One was that issues at the border are some of the most difficult questions in global public policy. How do you get medical aid into Syria? How do you teach girls in Afghanistan? How do you tackle sexual violence in Congo? Nevermind fight Ebola in Congo, which we’re doing at the moment.
Second, that the I.R.C. should not be a sleeping giant, it should be a roused leader of the global humanitarian sector. It had a responsibility to step up to a global leadership role.
And third, both my parents were refugees, so I felt in some way I was closing the circle by dedicating my professional life to helping people who were in many ways different than my family, but shared some of the same tragic circumstances.
When you talk about the I.R.C. becoming a “roused giant,” is that because the refugee crisis is getting worse today?
It’s getting worse. We’ve now got 68.5 million refugees and internally displaced people; people fleeing wars, advanced persecution. That’s not including people who are fleeing for economic reasons. We’ve got Venezuela, and Central America. And I think the I.R.C. has a distinctive story to tell about working from the war zone, to the refugee hosting state, to the refugee transit route, to refugee resettlement.
When you look at the size of the challenges you just described, are you optimistic or pessimistic?
If you look at the statistics, you get depressed. If you look at the people, you have hope. If you’re looking for hope, think about the woman in Kampala who’s a South Sudanese refugee who lost her sister, who’s now got employment thanks to a grant she got from us; and she’s paid for her daughter to go through college, and at college the daughter learned to become a nurse and the nurse wants to go back to South Sudan. If they’re not pessimistic, then what excuse do we have to be?
Where do you stand on Steven Pinker’s argument that overall, the world is getting better?
Well, I’ve got a big caveat. It’s true that the generalized trends toward peace and prosperity are positive. But the acute counterexamples of pain and suffering are getting worse. What it seems to me we need to recognize is that relying on the generalized trends toward peace and prosperity is not really enough to pick up the hundreds of million people who get caught up in the places that are fragile and conflict-ridden.
What’s your opinion of the Trump administration’s border policies?
My reaction is to be very, very critical of the abandonment of America’s historic role as a humanitarian leader. That’s not a political statement. It’s a statement about policy. Reducing the number of refugees by three-quarters is not in accord with America’s values, and we don’t think it’s in America’s interest. Reducing aid to Central America is not in accord with America’s values, and it’s probably increased the number of people who are fleeing north. The I.R.C. reunites families around the world in war zones, so when we see one of the richest countries in the world separating families, obviously we are very critical.
What are your thoughts on Brexit?
It’s sort of like watching a never-ending football match where your team is permanently shipping goals. The fact that we even had a referendum was a breakdown of politics, because we’re a parliamentary democracy, not a plebiscitary democracy. The fact that we lost the referendum was a breakdown of politics. The conduct of the negotiation since the referendum was a breakdown of politics, and the effects are going to be felt for many years to come.
We don’t know what’s going to happen, honestly. I’m sick of Americans saying, “You make us feel less bad by this.” I don’t like being the object of pity for the state of my country, but it’s a warning that things can go south pretty fast.
And we are seeing this turn toward nationalism around the world.
Nationalism is different from patriotism. Patriotism is about love of one’s country and pride in one’s country, but not at the expense of other countries. Nationalism is a vindictive, zero-sum view of the world as a jungle. That’s dangerous in an interdependent world. It’s even more out of date than it was 70 years ago. We’ve seen this movie before, and it ends badly.
The big lesson from especially the last six months of the Brexit imbroglio is that those of us who are internationalists have got to be as passionate, and as values-based, and as much carrying a song in our hearts as the nationalists and the nativists. The devil can’t have the best tunes.B:
【另】【一】【边】，【吕】【骁】【风】【驰】【电】【掣】【的】【赶】【到】【城】【外】【军】【营】。 【此】【时】【的】【天】【空】【仍】【未】【破】【晓】，【四】【周】【十】【分】【安】【静】，【并】【无】【其】【他】【声】【响】，【只】【有】【巡】【夜】【士】【卒】【的】【窸】【窣】【脚】【步】。 【吕】【骁】【的】【到】【来】，【引】【起】【了】【外】【层】【哨】【卒】【斥】【候】【的】【注】【意】。 【不】【过】【在】【看】【清】【这】【位】【吕】【府】【二】【公】【子】【的】【相】【貌】【后】，【士】【卒】【们】【自】【是】【不】【敢】【阻】【拦】，【任】【由】【他】【往】【军】【中】【去】【了】。 【入】【了】【军】【营】，【吕】【骁】【直】【奔】【父】【帅】【营】【帐】。 “【二】【公】【子】
【千】【道】【流】【此】【时】【心】【中】【也】【是】【极】【为】【震】【惊】【的】，【因】【为】【即】【便】【是】【他】，【在】【任】【何】【防】【御】【不】【做】【的】【情】【况】【下】，【也】【不】【能】【接】【下】【一】【位】【封】【号】【斗】【罗】【的】【第】【八】【魂】【技】【的】【强】【力】【一】【击】。 【比】【比】【东】【将】【千】【道】【流】【的】【表】【情】【看】【在】【眼】【中】。 【这】【让】【她】【心】【中】，【产】【生】【了】【一】【个】【想】【法】：“【难】【道】【连】【千】【道】【流】，【也】【做】【不】【到】【吗】？” 【本】【来】【就】【震】【惊】【的】【她】，【现】【在】【更】【为】【震】【惊】【了】。 【要】【知】【道】，【千】【道】【流】【那】【是】【他】【见】【过】【的】
【传】【送】【云】【沉】【思】【了】【片】【刻】【道】：“【非】【也】【非】【也】。” “【司】【命】【星】【君】【只】【能】【为】【修】【为】【不】【超】【过】【他】【的】【所】【有】【生】【灵】【编】【写】【命】【数】，【而】【且】【编】【写】【的】【命】【数】【还】【不】【能】【有】【违】【天】【道】，【否】【则】【会】【遭】【天】【谴】。” 【青】【绿】【罗】【裙】【仙】【友】【恍】【然】【大】【悟】【道】：“【也】【就】【说】【如】【果】【小】【仙】【的】【修】【为】【有】【朝】【一】【日】【能】【超】【越】【司】【命】【星】【君】，【便】【可】【以】【自】【行】【编】【写】【命】【数】【吗】？” “【非】【也】【非】【也】，【若】【超】【越】【了】【司】【命】【星】【君】【的】【编】【写】【范】【围】【则】
【江】【湖】【一】【统】—— 【常】【十】【三】【并】【不】【是】【没】【有】【想】【过】，【但】【每】【次】【联】【想】【到】【这】【背】【后】【要】【付】【出】【的】【代】【价】，【他】【便】【再】【不】【敢】【有】【如】【此】【大】【胆】【的】【想】【法】。 **【山】【派】【是】【师】【父】【托】【付】，【真】【的】【迈】【出】【这】【一】【步】，【要】【承】【担】【多】【大】【的】【风】【险】，【结】【果】【又】【是】【怎】【样】，【没】【有】【人】【知】【道】【答】【案】。 【一】【举】【功】【成】，【自】【然】【能】【铲】【除】【石】【门】【这】【样】【的】【恶】【势】【力】，【不】【过】【若】【是】【中】【途】【遇】【阻】，**【山】【派】【又】【当】【何】【去】【何】【从】？ 【在】管家婆马报彩图2015LW【输】【了】【第】【一】【局】【之】【后】，【并】【没】【有】【受】【到】【很】【大】【的】【影】【响】，【第】【二】【局】【轮】【到】【他】【们】【先】ban【先】【选】，【在】【禁】【了】【张】【飞】、【梦】【奇】、【百】【里】【玄】【策】【之】【后】，SK【依】【旧】【还】【是】【常】【规】【禁】【用】【了】【百】【里】【守】【约】、【姜】【子】【牙】【和】【关】【羽】。 【尽】【管】【上】【一】【局】【输】【得】【有】【点】【惨】【烈】，【但】LW【在】【选】【择】【英】【雄】【上】【却】【仍】【旧】【有】【点】【执】【着】，【首】【选】【老】【夫】【子】，【二】【三】【位】【锁】【住】【李】【元】【芳】【和】【貂】【蝉】，【但】【这】【一】【局】，【苏】【烈】【不】【再】【是】【辅】【助】，【而】
“【你】【这】【种】【心】【思】【恶】【毒】【的】【家】【伙】，【留】【你】【不】【得】，【今】【天】【我】【就】【将】【你】【就】【地】【诛】【杀】。” 【听】【着】【这】【话】，【张】【维】【海】【终】【于】【确】【定】【了】，【这】【特】【么】【就】【是】【一】【个】【精】【神】【分】【裂】【的】【神】【经】【病】【啊】。 【这】【已】【经】【石】【锤】【的】【不】【能】【再】【石】【锤】【了】。 【没】【看】【到】【对】【方】【说】【这】【番】【话】【的】【时】【候】，【还】【在】【疯】【狂】【的】【对】【他】【打】【眼】【色】【吗】？ 【李】【秦】【朝】【自】【然】【也】【明】【白】【自】【己】【此】【时】【的】【状】【态】，【可】【能】【会】【让】【别】【人】【觉】【得】【自】【己】【是】【个】【神】【经】【病】
“【即】【便】【你】【再】【怎】【么】【喊】，【她】【也】【不】【会】【出】【来】【的】。” 【地】【动】【山】【摇】，【地】【上】【的】【石】【头】【沙】【石】【树】【木】【不】【断】【飞】【起】【来】，【一】【个】【高】【达】【万】【米】【的】【巨】【人】【逐】【渐】【形】【成】，【形】【成】【后】，【光】【华】【闪】【耀】，【让】【人】【睁】【不】【开】【眼】【睛】，【即】【便】【是】【灵】【魂】【状】【态】【的】【祁】【方】【和】【黑】【脸】【男】【也】【是】【如】【此】。 【再】【睁】【开】【眼】【时】，【一】【个】【身】【着】【龙】【袍】，【头】【戴】【冕】【冠】【的】【中】【年】【男】【子】【出】【现】【在】【两】【人】【面】【前】，【身】【高】【八】【尺】【六】【寸】，【高】【大】【威】【猛】。 【随】
【周】【瑜】【整】【理】【他】【所】【记】【得】【东】【西】，【交】【给】【了】【审】【乐】。 “【主】【公】，【都】【已】【经】【记】【在】【上】【面】【了】，【但】【是】【具】【体】【效】【果】，【还】【是】【需】【要】【以】【后】【慢】【慢】【测】【试】，【但】【是】【这】【种】【汤】【水】，【不】【能】【一】【天】【饮】【用】【过】【多】，【不】【然】【的】【话】，【还】【是】【会】【有】【副】【作】【用】，【每】【天】【需】【要】【定】【量】。” “【公】【瑾】，【你】【这】【种】【天】【赋】【实】【在】【是】【太】【可】【怕】【了】，【速】【度】【这】【么】【快】。” 【审】【乐】【将】【周】【瑜】【拿】【过】【来】【的】【汤】【水】【一】【饮】【而】【今】，【感】【觉】【顿】【时】【神】【清】
【叭】【叭】【叭】【一】【一】， 【叭】【叭】【叭】【一】【一】。 【哈】【哈】【哈】【一】【一】。 【身】【穿】【朱】【红】【凤】【纹】【月】【华】【裙】，【留】【有】【高】【锥】【髻】，【珠】【光】【宝】【气】【十】【足】【的】【山】【阴】【公】【主】【迅】【速】【扎】【马】【运】【气】，【挥】【动】【双】【掌】【垂】【于】【腰】【侧】。【张】【碧】【桃】【的】【玉】【拳】【打】【得】【公】【主】【胸】【口】【生】【烟】，【红】【衣】【起】【跳】。【而】【山】【阴】【公】【主】【就】【好】【像】【没】【事】【人】【似】【的】，【依】【然】【笑】【声】【朗】【然】。【透】【过】【她】【的】【青】【丝】【面】【纱】【依】【稀】【可】【见】【她】【那】【隽】【秀】【美】【丽】、【笑】【容】【可】【掬】【的】【容】【颜】。